Undoubtedly, the discussions confirmed that Ukraine remains at the center of our partners’ attention, but a more effective and clear vision still comes only from those countries that recognize Russia as a security threat to themselves. Meanwhile, the common denominator of action remains below the level needed to ensure our shared Victory.A significant part of the discussions focused on us. However, it was at least surprising that the organizers actively promoted representatives of the so-called “democratic Russia” — including Khodorkovsky and Navalnaya — on the Forum panels. Their speeches framed the discussion not only around the idea of the need for “understanding” with imperial Russia but also around the narrative of Europe’s supposed weakness without the United States in confronting the Kremlin in the near future. In my view, such messages replicate Russian propaganda rather than contribute to strengthening Europe’s security.“The reality is quite different: the European Union is economically and politically far more powerful than Russia. To turn this strength into real protection, it requires resource mobilization, clear political will, and prioritization of security issues.”At the same time, it remains critically important as a shared task to maintain and strengthen support from the United States for Ukraine and its democratic partners.Past decades have shown that neither dialogue nor trade has changed the nature of Russia. The only effective path is sanctions, political isolation, and decisive military support for Ukraine. This is the strategy that can ensure a just and lasting peace.Today, Ukraine is the key to Europe’s security. Our shared task is to avoid repeating old illusions and focus on the main goal: defeating Russia.At the Warsaw Security Forum, it was once again clear that even those Russians who call themselves “liberal oppositionists” often think within the same imperial paradigm as the Kremlin. The difference is only in presentation: the Kremlin speaks harshly, they speak more softly, in a democratic packaging. But the essence remains the same.When Khodorkovsky reduces the war to “Putin’s crimes” alone, he whitewashes the system. Aggression is not a personal whim but the result of an imperial logic embedded in Russia itself.When he calls the war “a tragedy for two close peoples,” he effectively repeats the Kremlin narrative of “brotherly nations” — while ignoring the fact that Ukraine has been a victim of colonial aggression, not merely a “neighborly quarrel.”When he speaks of the need to “keep Russia united but democratized,” he places the interests of the empire above the right of other nations to freedom and self-determination.For Europeans, this should be a signal: an anti-imperial stance should not be confused with Moscow’s “liberal façade.” Democratic rhetoric can mask the same goal — preserving Russia as a great power, albeit under new slogans.For Ukrainians, it is another reminder that even “good Russians” often transmit the same imperial narratives, just in a softer form.In my view, there is simply no place for these Russian “democrats” at such events.SourceAbout the author: Ivanna Klympush-Tsintsadze, Member of Parliament of Ukraine.The editorial team does not always share the opinions expressed by blog authors.